libro acteal crimen de estado pdf. Quote. Postby Just» Tue Aug 28, am. Looking for libro acteal crimen de estado pdf. Will be grateful for any help!. estado de Guerrero y de 11 posiciones de Tamaulipas, lugares 32 y 31 respectivamente .. su territorio”. Advierte que con la llegada del narcotráfi co y el crimen organizado, matanza de Acteal, Chenalhó, Chiapas, en , fue el caso más emblemático. .. Existen numerosos estudios, reportajes, tesis y libros escritos. Acteal Massacre fue cambiada con motivo de la entrada en vigor de la Ley Contra la Trata de Personas en el estado. . El caso también fue investigado por Lydia Cacho en el libro Los demonios del Edén. . lugar a nivel mundial, como el negocio ilícito más redituable para el crimen organizado, con

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Actualmente recibimos las postulaciones para el calendario Pronunciamiento conjunto de pueblos, comunidades y organizaciones del Foro Caminando La Otra Justicia.

Venimos a tomar fuerza con otros pueblos. Estar en Acteal nos recuerda nuestros muertos, ejecutados por la guerra que los de arriba no quieren nombrar.

Hemos recordado que es triste la historia, que nos han tratado peor que a animales. Las leyes que construye el Estado son contra el pueblo. Por eso los pueblos reafirmamos que estamos rstado, que seguiremos construyendo nuestras propias leyes. Que nos respetan como pueblos y saben respetar la vida. Para ello, reconocemos que necesitamos luchar juntos y juntas sin importar diferencias culturales, edades, profesiones, trabajos y religiones.

En nuestros pueblos, queremos que regrese la armonia y la paz que crimeb ha perdido por la injusticia y la guerra, queremos construir la justicia como una casa, desde el corazon verdadero. Seguir poniendo nuestra fuerza de mujeres junto con los hombres.

Como jovenes, como hijos e hijas, hemos aprendido a caminar y tener conciencia de lucha para defender nuestra dignidad como mujeres y pueblos. Bien sabemos que la guerra que vivimos es para desplazarnos, quitarnos la vida como personas y como pueblos, y despojarnos de la madre tierra. Y les decimos que del dolor nace la luz que ilumina la esperanza y nos da fuerza y horizonte para ir caminando La Otra Justicia. They sparked an enormous discussion among citizens and intellectuals from around Europe and beyond.

By analyzing the effects the attacks have had in various spheres of social life, including the political, ideology, collective imaginaries, the media, acgeal education, this collection of essays aims to serve as a contribution as well as a critical response to that discussion. The volume observes that the events being attributed to Charlie Hebdo go beyond sensationalist reports of the mainstream media, transcend the spatial confines of nation states, and lend themselves to an ever-expanding number of mutating discursive formations.

Keep reading on Berghahn website.

Norsk oversettelse — Norwegian translation. Amador Fernandez Savater has observed that it would be hard to think of an experience with a better capacity of engaging, and that is yet so deeply rooted in a specific territory, than Zapatismo.

This is due to the fact that Zapatismo breaks in many respects with traditional forms of politics. It does so by opening spaces at a creative distance from the state, and by constantly experimenting with innovative ideas and strategic perspectives. In this short article I will give an insight on the organic role that aesthetics and poetics have played in the politics of this revolutionary movement. In the first part I will provide a general overview on this theme.

The EZLN was born clandestinely in It was founded by a group of just 6 people: There they built a first military camp with the ambition of organising the indigenous population of the area in a guerrilla army, which in some years could eventually defeat the regular army and bring about revolution in Mexico.


Initially the group was influenced by an ideology typical of the Latin American revolutionary movements of the Sixties and Seventies, faithful to a Marxist-Leninist style of construction of Socialism. According to first hand reports Marcos already in these initial stages, and despite the harsh conditions of living in clandestinity, the EZLN showed a peculiar penchant towards artistic expression.

The strict military routine involved physical training, the reading and discussion of strategy books of the Northern American and Mexican armies, but also a collective engagement with authors such as Cervantes, Juan Gelman, Shakespeare, Miguel Hernandez, Brecht, among fstado, who would strongly influence the unique style shaping the official communiques of the EZLN.


In another text Marcos Le Botsounds even more drastic: As if they [the indigenous people] had disarmed us. As if they had dismantled all we were made up of — Marxism, Leninism, socialism, urban culture, poetry, literature — all that formed part of us, and things we did not even know we had. In the effort of starting a political librk with the local populations, the subjective disposition of the Guerrilleros had to get through a major reconfiguration.

Contrary to that, the encounter of the EZLN actral the indigenous communities is immediately shaped by frictions, which force the two parts into exploring paths of reciprocity and exchange. This had also an impact on the cultural ctimen of the EZLN, which was quite intense for a guerrilla unit.

This encounter produced a split internal to both the visited and the visiting subject, anticipating the autonomous and horizontal forms of organisation of the Zapatista societies. One should notice that this mutual process of transformation has implications both df the use of language and for the act of translation.

Indeed the indigenous languages describe reality with poetic elements that derive from a vivid oral tradition. This is also reflected in their way of appropriating Spanish, which is rich in allusive images and metaphors. Indeed simple words are insufficient edtado it comes to translating cosmologies.

We found that the indigenous people handled the Spanish language with adherence to the meaning of things and with the use of images. We had to learn that different use of language in order to communicate with them, and they with us, and it also started having effects on the way we were speaking and writing. So it happened that a new way of speaking took crimsn, which made the Zapatistas immediately identifiable.


Of course, nobody was looking for us, but in the communities they could recognize who was a Zapatista by the way of speaking. This also includes the very rich visual language which integrated the resistance to the Spanish colonisation.

A good example of artistic response to oppression. The Zapatista visual language is permeated with elements of the Mayan tradition and symbols born out of its encounter with the revolutionary project. For example the ski mask quickly became a symbol of identity and togetherness. It evokes ancestral resistance and the presence of death: The Zapatistas are compelled to hide their faces to be named and recognised, and to drop the mask in order to hide.

Dw encounter with the Mayan cosmology is also present in more conventional artistic manifestations like muralism, the paintings of eetado anonymous Zapatista peasant artists, and the works of Beatriz Aurora, which we exposed in Nottingham. Beatriz is an artist who since the mid-nineties has been very close to the EZLN. Her paintings can be seen as a sort of research into the visual aesthetics of Zapatismo. They also serve as a gateway for outsiders into their politics, their demands, and their history.

For example, the colours that I use are omnipresent, starting from the clothes that they wear, which they themselves produce with ancestral designs.

Their communities are small spaces where an enormous variety of living elements coexist: Zapatistas of all ages, recently harvested corn, young people playing guitar, cocoa and avteal drying in the sun. Everything is immersed in exuberant vegetation. All types of domestic animals are hanging around, moving in all directions. Here I will not get into the details of this story. I will exclusively focus on the last public appearance of Subcomandante Marcos, which took place alongside this event, and the communique that goes with it, as always very profound, poetic, and therefore open to multiple readings, in which this important figure announces his farewell.

As many already know Marcos has been the most visible exponent of the EZLN for the last 20 years, becoming crimej icon at international level. We know about him that since the day of the uprising he became the spokesperson of the EZLN, and that his interpretation of this role has dramatically evolved over librl years.

We also know that since the early stages he was a military leader of the EZLN. The fact that his character was somehow exaggerated, theatrical, and that his public appearances were rather performative was clear cgimen anybody. But that the EZLN suddenly, in the context of a funeral, would decide to get rid of this figure was definitely a surprise.


Why would the Zapatistas feel the necessity to renounce to one of the symbols that made them famous internationally, one with such a great appeal? The mainstream media were gossiping on the nature of the illness. Some even insinuated that, in reality, the leadership of the EZLN was affected by internal conflict.

In the afternoon of the 24 thin La Realidad, Marcos lead a military horse parade in honour of Galeano where all the participants were wearing a pirate bandage, and his was decorated with the image of a skull. Marcos continues his speech by addressing a multidimensional process of change that the EZLN has experienced over the last two decades, and which, according to him, few observers have realized.

This change involves categories like class: To provide an answer to these questions, Marcos refers back to the uprising of January 1 stwhen the troops of the EZLN descended on the cities of Chiapas and shook the world with their steps.


During the following days the rebels started realising that something weird, probably unexpected, was going on: The Zapatistas felt that civil society was unable to understand the real nature of their uprising. Being used to looking at the other in humiliation, their heart did not understand our dignified rebellion.

Their gaze had stopped on the only mestizo wearing a ski acyeal [i. The reasons to do so are clear: As a solution to this problem of visibility, the movement resorted to an aesthetic creation which would operate as a tool of symbolic mediation between the indigenous uprising and society, i.

By saying that his image, as a medium, is not free, Marcos alludes to the fact that it belongs in part to the domain of power — that it was assembled in order to infiltrate it. In Society of Spectacle Debord images organize social relations so as to reinforce the separation of the individuals from the reality of their conditions of existence, in spheres such as production, necessities, affections, desire, and so on.

As I said, the figure of Marcos was projected into the space of publicity to build a bridge between the Zapatista uprising and society. It responded to the need to aesthetically reframe the Zapatista political process according to a more familiar and comfortable revolutionary imaginary, one that could be appealing, since it reproduced racial and class hierarchies including a white, male, educated leadership.

Nevertheless, this image was the product of an abstraction — i. To some extent, the construction of Marcos betrayed the uprising because it lied about its nature and composition. Over the years the figure of Marcos ended up assuming an almost detached existence in the domain of publicity, and it was in part appropriated and spectacularised by the media, with depoliticizing effects on it.

In a text of a French worker criticised the stereotyped way in which the big artists and socialist propaganda were representing the figure of the worker: The Flemish and Dutch schools have shown us how it might be used to good advantage by a Rembrandt or a Van Ostade. This is to say that the aesthetic abstraction of the metal worker tends to omit the misery of factory work.

It is the price paid for the abandonment of a dream: The farewell of Marcos can be seen as a subversion of this dynamics. It constitutes a sort of aesthetic depurationwhich moves the attention to the bases and the process of construction of a real egalitarian power from below. Indeed it is not at the level of the military leadership which Marcos aesthetically represented that the political challenge of Zapatismo is being played, but in the process of construction of autonomy, i.

Information on his publications and research activity can be found on his Blog https: Chiapas also owns still unexploited petroleum reserves, one of the highest percentages of forest, and it has the highest rate of deforestation in Mexico. Arcos, Natalia and Zagato, Alessandro.

A Poetics of Resistance. Entrevista por Juan Gelman.